Theories of Trade Union

6. Common’s Pragmatic Approach

This theory is based on a set of basic premises which are mostly environmental factors. That is why this theory is also called ‘environment theory of labour movement’. The outcome of Common’s theory of labour unionism is non-revolutionary and implies non-acceptance of capitalism which fell considerably short of even the Webb’s expectations of political evolution.

7. Perlman’s Theory of Scarcity Consciousness

According to Perlman, unionism developed because of the worker’s scarcity consciousness, which arose in the minds of the workers because of the fact that their economic position cannot improve beyond that which is barely sufficient to cover minimum essential of an ordinary standard of living. Out of this scarcity consciousness grew a job-conscious unionism, a unionism which controls the job opportunities. The union establishes certain job rights which it then rations among the members through regulations applying to overtime, seniority etc.

8. Kerr and Associates Protest Theory

Kerr, Dunlop, Harbison and Myers observed that labour protest is inherent in industrialization. Organized form of protest, according to them, is labour organization. The nature and role of such organization depend upon the industrialization process, the industrializing elite and the specific culture and environment of a country. These thinkers used the more general term ‘labour organization’ in place of trade union.

9. Mahatma Gandhi’s Sarvodaya Theory

Mahatma  Gandhi’s philosophy us based upon the ‘Sarvodya’ principles of Truth, Non-violence and Trusteeship, in which class harmony prevails. According to Mahatma Gandhi, unions are not anti-capitalistic organizations. They are in the least degree political. He considered trade unions as essentially reformist organizations and economic institutions, which must be organized on the basis that capital and labour are not antagonistic but are supplementary to each other. He observed: ‘My ideal is that capital and labour should supplement and help each other. They should be a great family living in unity and harmony, capital not only looking to the material welfare of the labourers but their moral welfare also-capitalists being trustees of the welfare of the laboring classes under them.’

It should be noted that Gandhiji was never against strikes as such. In the view of Gandhiji, strikes might be permitted and would succeed, if following conditions are fulfilled:

i. The cause of strike must be just and only for redressal of genuine grievances that strikes should be organized.

ii. Workers should go on strike only after the capitalists have failed to respond to moral appeals and only as a last resort after exhausting all other means of persuading the capitalists to concede to their just demand.

iii. Strike should be resorted to after a ‘ fair notice; being given to the employers.

iv. There should be practical unanimity among the strikers.

v. Strikes should be peaceful and non-violent, i.e. the workers should refrain from assaulting or abusing capitalists or their agents and also avoid violence against the non-strikers. Even damaging capitalist’s property is considered by Gandhiji as violence.

Gandhiji did not favour unions taking part in political activities for two reasons:

i. The workers were not enlightened

ii. The political parties exploit the workers for their own ends.

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